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To obtain full marks, the response must identify the three distinct objectives mentioned in the source:
- Securing natural resources (oil/rubber) for economic self-sufficiency and defense.
- Eliminating Western colonial influence (specifically British and Dutch).
- Establishing East Asian cultural unity/cooperation under Japanese guidance.

- Award 1 mark for each fully explained point, up to a maximum of 2.5 marks (e.g., 1 mark for the first point, 1 mark for the second point, and 0.5 marks for the third point).
- Only information directly from the source is acceptable. No outside knowledge should be rewarded.

The student must extract key points from the source outlining the difficulties and motivations of the regime:
- Threat/anxiety of League of Nations sanctions, especially oil.
- Need for a rapid military triumph.
- Risk of domestic unrest due to economic strain.

- Award 1 mark for each valid challenge or pressure identified from the text, up to a maximum of 2.5 marks (e.g., 1 mark for sanctions/oil threat, 1 mark for the pressure of domestic unrest/time limit, and 0.5 marks for the need to present a finished outcome to the League).

Values: 1. Origin: It is an official speech by the leader of Italy, Benito Mussolini, in May 1935, offering first-hand evidence of the Italian regime's official rhetoric during the crisis. 2. Purpose: It shows how Mussolini intended to rally domestic political support in the Chamber of Deputies and prepare the Italian public for potential conflict. 3. Content: It reveals the official pretexts used by Italy (the 'civilizing mission' and self-defense of Eritrea and Somalia) and demonstrates Italy's early defiance of the League of Nations. Limitations: 1. Origin: As a public political speech by a fascist dictator, it is highly subjective and designed for public consumption rather than objective analysis. 2. Purpose: The speech is designed to justify expansionism and deflect international criticism, meaning it is likely to conceal Italy's actual aggressive, imperialist motives. 3. Content: It presents Italy as a potential victim of 'Abyssinian aggression,' which misrepresents the actual balance of power and Italian military preparations on the ground.

The mark scheme is out of 4 marks total. 1 mark is awarded for each relevant point of value/limitation up to a maximum of 4 marks. To obtain full marks, candidates must address both values and limitations, and explicitly link these to the origin, purpose, and/or content of the source. Max 3 marks if only values or only limitations are discussed. Max 2 marks if there is no explicit link to origin, purpose, or content.

**Student response earning full marks (6 marks):**

**Comparisons:**
- Both Source A and Source B agree that Germany's remilitarization of the Rhineland was a unilateral action, with Source A calling it a "unilateral action" and Source B referring to "unilateral violations."
- Both sources identify that the event involves German troops entering/asserting control over German territory, with Source A mentioning Germany "reasserting sovereignty within its own sovereign borders" and Source B noting the "military occupation of the Rhineland by German troops."
- Both sources link the event to the preservation of European peace and stability, referencing international treaties (Versailles and Locarno respectively).

**Contrasts:**
- While Source A downplays the threat, describing it as Germany merely going into its "own back garden" and not posing a direct threat, Source B views it as a severe, direct threat to French security, warning that "Strasbourg [is] under the immediate threat of German cannons."
- Source A exhibits sympathy toward Germany's past grievances, calling the Treaty of Versailles "overly harsh and unsustainable," whereas Source B condemns Germany's actions by pointing out that they violated the Locarno Pact, which Germany had "freely signed."
- Regarding the response to the crisis, Source A advocates for appeasement and diplomatic negotiation to avoid a "major European conflagration," whereas Source B demands "firm resistance" and argues that letting the action pass unchallenged would destroy the "system of collective security."

**Mark Allocation:**
- **[5–6 marks]**: The candidate provides a developed evaluation that includes both comparisons and contrasts, making direct and clear linkages between the two sources.
- **[3–4 marks]**: The candidate identifies similarities and/or differences, but the comparison or contrast is left undeveloped, or only one side (only comparisons or only contrasts) is addressed.
- **[1–2 marks]**: The candidate summarizes the sources without making clear comparative linkages, or writes highly generalized comments with little specific reference to the texts.

**Key Points for Comparison (Max 3 marks if no contrasts are present):**
- Both acknowledge the unilateral nature of Germany's act.
- Both focus on the military movement into the Rhineland/German territory.
- Both relate the event to European treaties and peace.

**Key Points for Contrast (Max 3 marks if no comparisons are present):**
- Threat level: Source A minimizes it (harmless); Source B maximizes it (existential threat to France).
- Attitude to treaty obligations: Source A blames Versailles (harsh); Source B blames Germany for breaking a freely signed pact (Locarno).
- Recommended action: Source A wants diplomacy and peace; Source B wants firm resistance/collective action.

A top-band response must integrate both source analysis and own knowledge in a balanced essay. Source-based arguments: Students should refer to typical source evidence showing the League's delays (e.g., taking over a year to draft the Lytton Report), the refusal of major powers to impose economic sanctions, and the lack of a standing army. Own knowledge arguments: Students should introduce external context, such as the Wall Street Crash of 1929 which devastated Japan's silk-dependent economy, prompting the Kwantung Army's pursuit of autarky in Manchuria. Additionally, the weakness of the Chinese Nationalist government (GMD) under Chiang Kai-shek, who prioritized fighting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over resisting Japan (the 'first internal pacification, then external resistance' policy), made Manchuria an easy target. The internal rise of ultra-nationalist factions inside Japan (like the Cherry Blossom Society and Imperial Way Faction) and the assassination of Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi in 1932 effectively ended party cabinet rule, allowing the military to dictate foreign policy. Synthesis: While the League's failure to act decisively in 1931-1933 demonstrated that collective security was a failure, the primary drivers of Japanese expansionism were domestic economic desperation and militaristic ideology, which exploited both the regional weakness of China and the global distraction of the Western powers.

Markband 7-9: The response is focused on the question and offers a clear, balanced, and structured argument. It synthesizes a range of evidence from both the sources and own knowledge to evaluate the causes of Japanese expansion. It demonstrates a clear understanding of the historical context of the Manchurian crisis and subsequent expansion up to 1937. Markband 5-6: The response addresses the question but may be unbalanced, relying too heavily on either the sources or own knowledge. It is mostly structured but may contain some narrative elements rather than critical synthesis. Markband 3-4: The response is mainly narrative or descriptive, with limited attempt to synthesize sources and own knowledge. It may contain factual inaccuracies or lack focus on the prompt. Markband 1-2: The response is vague, irrelevant, or shows little understanding of the question or the sources.

Introduction: Define the scope of the essay by identifying two leaders from different regions, such as Adolf Hitler (Europe) and Fidel Castro (Americas). State a clear thesis: while economic crises were vital catalysts that destabilized existing regimes and heightened popular discontent, they operated differently depending on the structural nature of each nation's economy and were ultimately exploited through distinct methods of mobilization. Comparative Points (Similarities): Both leaders rose to power during times of severe economic distress. In Germany, the Great Depression of 1929 caused mass unemployment and business failures, which shattered the legitimacy of the Weimar Republic. In Cuba, the economy was highly dependent on sugar exports and US capital, leading to chronic seasonal unemployment and wealth inequality, which deepened resentment against Batista. Both leaders utilized these crises to promise national renewal, jobs, and protection against external economic exploitation (Hitler blamed the Treaty of Versailles and international finance; Castro blamed US imperialism). Contrasting Points (Differences): The nature of the economic crises differed: Germany experienced an acute, sudden systemic shock within an industrialized capitalist framework, whereas Cuba suffered from long-term, structural neo-colonial underdevelopment in a predominantly agrarian economy. Furthermore, the path to power differed: Hitler exploited Weimar's democratic processes and constitutional loopholes during an electoral crisis, while Castro used the economic grievances of the rural peasantry and urban working class to sustain a prolonged guerrilla war against a military dictatorship. Other Factors: Acknowledge that economic factors did not act in isolation. Political instability, charismatic leadership, propaganda, and the use of force or organizational skill were also critical in securing power. Conclusion: Summarize how economic crises acted as the primary destabilizing force, but highlight that the transition to authoritarian rule depended heavily on the specific socio-political context of each region.

Marks 13 to 15: The response is well-structured, analytical, and focused. It offers a detailed and balanced comparison and contrast of both leaders from different regions. Historical knowledge of the economic crises in both countries is accurate, specific, and effectively integrated. The argument is synthesized well with a clear, sophisticated conclusion. Marks 10 to 12: The response is mostly analytical and addresses both similarities and differences, though one leader or region may be discussed in slightly more depth than the other. The historical knowledge is generally accurate, though some minor details may be lacking. Marks 7 to 9: The response is descriptive rather than analytical. It may describe the economic situation under both leaders sequentially without effective comparative analysis, or focus heavily on only one leader. Marks 4 to 6: The response is vague, containing limited historical knowledge of the economic conditions or the leaders chosen. Marks 1 to 3: The response is unstructured, irrelevant, or contains major historical inaccuracies.

Introduction: Set the historical context of the emerging bipolar world between 1945 and 1949. Define the key terms: ideological differences (clash of political-economic philosophies) and strategic national interests (security, expansion of spheres of influence, economic dominance). State a clear thesis evaluating which factor was more influential or demonstrating their interdependence. Argument for Ideological Differences: Ideology created mutual suspicion and misperceptions. The USA's commitment to liberal democracy and free-market capitalism (Wilsonianism) directly clashed with the Soviet Union's Marxist-Leninist commitment to proletarian revolution and the eventual demise of capitalism. Key examples include the rhetoric of the Truman Doctrine (1947), which framed the conflict as a choice between two ways of life, and the Soviet establishment of Cominform (1947) to coordinate international communist parties, showing an ideological division of the world. Argument for Strategic National Interests: The rivalry can be viewed as a classic realist struggle for power. The Soviet Union's actions in Eastern Europe were driven primarily by a desire for security (creating a buffer zone to prevent another invasion from the West) rather than pure ideological expansion. The United States' Marshall Plan (1948) was designed to secure European economic recovery to maintain markets for US goods and prevent the spread of Soviet influence. The Berlin Blockade (1948-1949) and the creation of NATO (1949) were strategic military responses to secure geopolitical advantages in Europe. Synthesis: Ideology and national interests were closely linked; leaders often viewed their strategic security needs through an ideological lens, or used ideological rhetoric to justify actions driven by pragmatic national interests to their domestic audiences. Conclusion: Provide a balanced judgment. While ideological differences created the framework of hostility and mutual distrust, it was the clash of concrete strategic and security interests in the post-WWII power vacuum of Europe that transformed ideological debate into active Cold War confrontation.

Marks 13 to 15: The response exhibits a clear, analytical structure. It directly addresses the 'to what extent' prompt by weighing ideology against strategic interests. It contains high-quality, specific historical evidence from the 1945-1949 period (e.g., Yalta/Potsdam, Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, Berlin Blockade). It demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of historical perspectives. Marks 10 to 12: The response is analytical and focused on the prompt, but may favor one side of the argument (ideology or strategic interests) slightly more than the other. The historical evidence is accurate and support the arguments well. Marks 7 to 9: The response is descriptive, listing events of the early Cold War without fully analyzing how they relate to the debate between ideology and strategic interests. Marks 4 to 6: The response is generalized and lacks specific historical detail from the 1945-1949 period, offering only a superficial discussion of communism and capitalism. Marks 1 to 3: The response is highly inaccurate, off-topic, or lacks any coherent structure.

### Historical Context
In 1861, Tsar Alexander II signed the Emancipation Edict, freeing approximately 23 million state serfs and privately-owned serfs. The reform aimed to modernize Russia's stagnant agrarian economy, stimulate industrialization by creating a mobile labor force, and preserve the autocracy following the humiliating defeat in the Crimean War.

### Main Arguments

#### 1. Economic Consequences (Limited Modernization and Agrarian Crisis)
* **Redemption Payments:** Peasants were forced to pay for the land they received over a 49-year period at 6% interest. The state compensated landowners up front, leaving the peasantry deeply indebted and financially impoverished.
* **Land Distribution and Quality:** Peasants typically received smaller and less fertile plots than they had farmed before emancipation, while landowners retained the best lands. The average size of peasant allotments decreased over the period up to 1881.
* **The Role of the Mir (Commune):** To guarantee tax and redemption collection, the state granted ownership of the land to the village commune (*mir*), not to individual peasants. The *mir* controlled crop rotation, strip-farming, and restricted peasant mobility through a passport system, which severely stifled agricultural innovation and delayed the transition to efficient capitalist farming.
* **Industrial Labor:** While emancipation did eventually stimulate some migration to cities, the *mir's* control over passports meant that a rapid, widespread movement to urban centers did not immediately materialize before 1881.

#### 2. Social Consequences (Discontent, Stratification, and Unrest)
* **Legal Inequality:** Though no longer owned by lords, peasants were not fully equal citizens. They remained legally separate, subject to local peasant courts (*volost*) and communal taxes.
* **Peasant Discontent:** Believing that the 'true' freedom promised by the Tsar had been hidden or subverted by the nobles, peasants rioted. There were over 1,000 peasant disturbances in 1861 alone, requiring military intervention.
* **Social Stratification:** The reform accelerated the emergence of class divisions within the peasantry. A small class of wealthier, land-purchasing peasants (*kulaks*) emerged, alongside a vast class of impoverished, landless rural laborers who harbored deep resentments.

### Historiographical Perspectives
* **Western/Liberal historians** (e.g., Terence Emmons) argue that the reform was a flawed compromise that protected the interests of the nobility at the expense of the peasantry, creating a structural crisis that eventually contributed to the 1905 and 1917 revolutions.
* **Soviet historians** emphasized the capitalist exploitation inherent in the reform, viewing it as a half-measure that substituted feudal bondage with economic bondage.
* **Revisionist historians** sometimes point out that despite its limitations, the reform was a necessary first step that laid the legal and social groundwork for later industrial expansion under Witte.

### Markband Breakdown
* **13–15 marks:** Demonstrates a clear understanding of the question, supported by detailed, accurate, and relevant historical knowledge. The essay is highly analytical and well-structured, addressing both social and economic consequences with balance. It evaluates different perspectives (historiography) and reaches a reasoned conclusion.
* **10–12 marks:** The response is structured, mostly analytical, and contains clear and relevant knowledge. It addresses both social and economic aspects, though one may be treated in more depth than the other. There is some attempt to evaluate different interpretations.
* **7–9 marks:** The essay is largely narrative or descriptive, with some analysis. Knowledge is present but may lack depth or contain minor inaccuracies. The linkage between the 1861 edict and the consequences up to 1881 is basic.
* **4–6 marks:** The essay lacks structure and analysis, relying on a superficial narrative of the emancipation with limited historical detail.
* **1–3 marks:** Little to no understanding of the question or the historical topic; major inaccuracies and lack of coherence.

### Historical Context
Both Getúlio Vargas (Brazil) and Franklin D. Roosevelt (US) assumed power during the global economic crisis of the early 1930s. Both leaders recognized that traditional laissez-faire economic policies were insufficient to handle the crises and resorted to unprecedented state intervention.

### Similarities (Compare)
* **Economic Intervention and Industrialization/Infrastructure:** Both leaders rejected classical economics. FDR's New Deal used federal agencies (TVA, PWA, WPA) to build infrastructure and stimulate employment. Vargas pursued Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) to reduce Brazil's dependency on coffee exports, establishing key state enterprises like the Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional (CSN) and Vale do Rio Doce.
* **Social Welfare and Labor Reform:** Both sought to appease and incorporate the working class to prevent radical left-wing revolutions. FDR introduced the Social Security Act (1935) and established a federal minimum wage. Vargas implemented the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT) in 1943, which guaranteed a minimum wage, paid vacation, and limited working hours.
* **Expansion of Executive Authority:** Both leaders dramatically expanded the size, scope, and power of the federal government, often centralizing authority in the presidency to bypass local or regional elites (e.g., the Brazilian state oligarchies or the conservative coalition in the US Congress).

### Differences (Contrast)
* **Political Framework and Democratic Institutionality:** FDR operated within a resilient, multi-party democratic system. Although he clashed with the Supreme Court (e.g., the court-packing scheme) and Congress, he was subject to regular, free elections (1936, 1940, 1944). Vargas, by contrast, suspended the 1934 constitution, cancelled the 1938 elections, and established the authoritarian *Estado Novo* (New Deal/New State) dictatorship (1937–1945), ruling by decree.
* **Treatment of Opposition and Civil Liberties:** Under FDR, despite wartime civil liberty violations (such as Japanese-American internment), political opposition was legal, and the press remained free. Vargas suppressed political parties (including both the fascistic Integralists and the communists), implemented rigid censorship through the DIP (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda), and imprisoned political rivals.
* **Corporatism vs. Independent Trade Unionism:** Under FDR's Wagner Act (1935), independent trade unions grew rapidly and remained politically autonomous. Vargas's labor policies were corporatist, modeled partly on European fascist states; unions were state-controlled, and strikes were outlawed, meaning labor was co-opted rather than empowered.

### Markband Breakdown
* **13–15 marks:** Provides a balanced and well-structured comparative analysis. Explicitly addresses both similarities and differences in domestic policies (economic, social, political). Supported by precise, accurate historical evidence for both countries. Evaluates the political contexts (democracy vs. dictatorship) effectively.
* **10–12 marks:** Clear comparative structure, addressing both leaders. Knowledge of both countries' policies is solid, though there may be a slight imbalance (e.g., more detail on FDR than Vargas). The comparisons and contrasts are clear and analytical.
* **7–9 marks:** The essay may present parallel narratives (a section on FDR, followed by a section on Vargas) with weak explicit comparative links. It contains general knowledge but lacks specific detail or analytical depth.
* **4–6 marks:** Limited knowledge of one or both leaders. The essay is highly descriptive or lacks a comparative structure.
* **1–3 marks:** Shows minimal understanding of the topic, containing major factual errors and unstructured prose.

### Historical Context
During the 1920s, Japan experienced a period of relative liberalization and party politics (Taisho Democracy). However, by the early 1930s, the nation shifted toward aggressive expansionism, political assassinations, and military dominance over civilian government.

### Arguments For the Impact of the Great Depression
* **Economic Shock:** Japan was highly vulnerable because of its reliance on exports, particularly silk to the US, which collapsed after 1929. Rural areas suffered severe famine and poverty, creating widespread anger toward urban elites and politicians.
* **Discrediting of Party Politics:** Civilian political parties were blamed for the economic misery and perceived corruption. Zaibatsu (industrial conglomerates) were seen as conspiring with politicians at the expense of ordinary citizens.
* **The Quest for Autarky:** Military planners argued that Japan needed a self-sufficient empire (an 'economic life-line') to secure raw materials (coal, iron, rubber) and markets, directly motivating the invasion of Manchuria in 1931.

### Other Contributing Factors (To What Extent / Counterarguments)
* **Constitutional Weaknesses:** Under the Meiji Constitution, the military answered directly to the Emperor, not to the civilian cabinet or Diet. This independence allowed the Kwantung Army to act autonomously in Manchuria in 1931 without prior cabinet approval.
* **Long-standing Ideology and Nationalism:** Ultra-nationalist societies (such as the Cherry Blossom Society) and radical military factions (such as the *Kodoha* and *Toseiha*) promoted ideas of military-led state renewal, divine mission, and opposition to Western liberalism and materialism.
* **Fear of External Threats:** The rising power of Chinese nationalism under Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang threatened Japanese concessions in Manchuria. Additionally, the militarists feared the growth of Soviet industrial and military power in East Asia.
* **Rejection of Western Dominance:** Resentment built up over decades of perceived Western hypocrisy, including the 1919 refusal of the Racial Equality Proposal at Versailles and the US Immigration Act of 1924, which banned Japanese immigration.

### Historiographical Perspectives
* **Economic-determinist historians** argue that without the Great Depression, the Taisho democracy would likely have survived, as the economic shock was the decisive blow that destroyed public trust in liberal democratic options.
* **Revisionist/Intentionalist historians** place more emphasis on the long-term structural flaws of the Meiji political system and the persistent imperialist ambitions of the military, arguing that the depression merely accelerated a process that was already underway.

### Markband Breakdown
* **13–15 marks:** Directly addresses the 'to what extent' prompt. Evaluates the role of the Great Depression alongside other critical factors (constitutional, ideological, external). Supported by precise, accurate historical details. Formulates a sophisticated historical argument backed by historiographical perspectives.
* **10–12 marks:** Analytical and well-structured response. Discusses both the impact of the Great Depression and alternative factors, though the evaluation of their relative importance may lack some depth. Historical knowledge is mostly accurate.
* **7–9 marks:** The essay is largely narrative or descriptive, listing reasons for the rise of militarism without clearly weighing the impact of the Great Depression against other factors. Contains general historical details but lacks analytical precision.
* **4–6 marks:** Superficially addresses the topic. Focuses almost exclusively on the depression or general militarism with little historical depth or structural clarity.
* **1–3 marks:** Shows minimal understanding of Japanese history in this period; highly generalized, brief, or inaccurate.