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Introduction:
- Define the scope (1923–1929) and Stresemann's primary objective: to end Germany’s diplomatic isolation, ease the burden of the Treaty of Versailles, and restore Germany as a respected European power.
- Present a clear thesis outlining that while Stresemann achieved remarkable successes in reintegrating Germany into European diplomacy, his foreign policy had critical limitations and faced severe domestic criticism.

Stresemann's Foreign Policy Successes:
- Economic Stabilization and Reparations: Discuss the negotiation of the Dawes Plan (1924) and the Young Plan (1929). These agreements reduced annual reparations, secured vital US loans, and led to the French evacuation of the Ruhr.
- Reintegration and Security: Analyze the Locarno Treaties (1925), where Germany normalized relations with France and Belgium, guaranteeing their western borders and paving the way for Germany's entry into the League of Nations (1926) with a permanent seat on the Council.
- Relations with the USSR: Discuss the Treaty of Berlin (1926), which maintained relations with the Soviet Union, ensuring neutrality in case of conflict and reassuring those concerned about Western bias.

Limitations and Critiques of Stresemann's Policy:
- Eastern Borders: Under Locarno, Germany only guaranteed its western borders; the eastern borders with Poland and Czechoslovakia were left open to future revision, creating ongoing regional anxiety and failing to fully secure eastern stability.
- National Resentment and "Erfüllungspolitik" (Policy of Fulfillment): Domestically, right-wing nationalists accused Stresemann of capitulating to the Allies by accepting the Treaty of Versailles borders and continuing to pay reparations.
- Dependence on US Capital: The success of Stresemann's foreign-economic policy was heavily reliant on short-term US loans, making Germany highly vulnerable to external economic shocks (as seen in 1929).

Conclusion:
- Summarize the main arguments. Conclude that Stresemann was highly successful in restoring Germany's status as a major European diplomatic player in the short term, but his achievements did not fully resolve Germany's domestic ideological divisions or its long-term structural vulnerabilities.

Marks are awarded using the standard 15-mark essay rubric for IB History:
- 13–15 marks: Answers are clearly focused on the demands of the question and demonstrate a high level of organization and chronological/thematic structure. A balanced evaluation of Stresemann's foreign policy successes and failures is supported by accurate and relevant historical evidence. Good awareness of different historical interpretations may be present.
- 10–12 marks: Answers are generally focused on the question, with a structured argument and relevant historical knowledge of Stresemann's policies (e.g., Locarno, Dawes Plan). There is some evaluation, though it may be somewhat unbalanced or rely on a narrative approach.
- 7–9 marks: Answers show some understanding of the question but contain significant narrative or descriptive passages. Knowledge of Stresemann's policies is present but may lack depth or contains minor inaccuracies. Analysis is limited.
- 4–6 marks: The response is characterized by limited historical knowledge and weak structure, focusing on superficial aspects of the Weimar Republic without directly addressing foreign policy evaluations.
- 1–3 marks: Minimal understanding of the question; highly inaccurate or irrelevant details.

Introduction:
- Introduce the context of the Cold War in the Americas during the late 1940s and 1950s.
- Define the key foreign policy doctrines: Truman's containment strategy and the institutionalization of hemispheric defense (Rio Treaty, OAS), and Eisenhower's 'New Look' policy which emphasized covert operations, massive retaliation, and anti-communist alignment.
- Present a thesis asserting that while the core objective—containment of communism and preservation of US hegemony—remained identical, the methods shifted significantly under Eisenhower toward covert interventions and unilateral action.

Points of Continuity (No Significant Shift):
- Containment and Hemispheric Security: Both administrations prioritized preventing communist expansion in the Western Hemisphere. Truman initiated the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (Rio Treaty, 1947) and the Organization of American States (OAS, 1948) to build a collective security framework, which Eisenhower continued to utilize.
- Support for Dictators: Both administrations frequently supported authoritarian, anti-communist regimes in the region (e.g., Somoza in Nicaragua, Trujillo in the Dominican Republic) to maintain stability at the expense of promoting democracy.

Points of Shift (Significant Change):
- Covert Operations and the CIA: Under Eisenhower, the US increasingly relied on the CIA to destabilize governments deemed unfriendly, exemplified by Operation PBSuccess in Guatemala (1954) which overthrew the democratically elected Jacobo Árbenz. Truman's approach had relied more on institutional diplomacy and overt military assistance.
- Economic Policy: Truman's administration paid relatively little economic attention to Latin America, focusing resources on the Marshall Plan in Europe. Eisenhower's administration initially continued this neglect but shifted slightly toward the end of his term (e.g., establishing the Inter-American Development Bank in 1959) in response to rising anti-American sentiment (such as the hostile reception of Vice President Nixon's 1958 tour) and the Cuban Revolution (1959).
- The 'New Look' and Anti-Communist Rhetoric: Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, introduced a more aggressive, moralistic anti-communist rhetoric that viewed nationalist reform movements in Latin America through a strict Cold War lens, more so than Truman's administration.

Conclusion:
- Reiterate that while the fundamental ideological goal of keeping the Western Hemisphere free of Soviet influence was continuous, Eisenhower's methodology marked a distinct shift toward aggressive, covert unilateral interventionism that set a lasting precedent for US-Latin American relations.

Marks are awarded using the standard 15-mark essay rubric for IB History:
- 13–15 marks: The response features a sophisticated, comparative structure that directly addresses 'to what extent' there was a shift. It displays deep knowledge of specific historical events (e.g., Rio Treaty, OAS, Guatemala 1954, Nixon's tour, Cuban Revolution) and maintains a balanced, analytical argument.
- 10–12 marks: The essay compares Truman and Eisenhower effectively, with good historical detail. It identifies both continuities and shifts, though one president's policies or certain regions of the Americas may be treated in greater detail than others.
- 7–9 marks: The response is primarily descriptive, outlining the policies of Truman and Eisenhower separately without sufficient synthesis or comparison. Knowledge of key treaties or interventions may be generalized.
- 4–6 marks: Shows limited understanding of the Cold War context in the Americas, offering a vague narrative with little focus on the actual comparison between the two administrations.
- 1–3 marks: Superficial or largely irrelevant response.

Introduction:
- Define the period of the 1930s in Japan as one characterized by the decline of party politics (Taisho Democracy) and the rise of military influence over the state.
- Introduce the primary arguments/factors: economic distress, political instability and factionalism, ideological ultranationalism, and external international pressures.

Economic Factors:
- The Great Depression and the Shōwa Depression: Analyze how the collapse of global trade, particularly silk exports to the US, devastated rural Japan. This fueled resentment against Western-dominated capitalism and domestic liberal politicians, leading many to see military expansion (especially into Manchuria) as an economic necessity for resource self-sufficiency.

Political and Military Factors:
- Decline of Party Politics: Discuss the public's loss of faith in political parties due to financial corruption scandals and their inability to resolve the economic crisis.
- Military Factionalism and Assassinations: Discuss the rise of radical factions within the Imperial Japanese Army: the Kodo-ha (Imperial Way Faction), which favored violent overthrow of civilian rule and spiritual renewal, and the Tosei-ha (Control Faction), which sought to reform the state from within. Mention key events such as the March Incident (1931), the May 15 Incident (1932—assassination of Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi), and the February 26 Incident (1936).
- Independent Actions of the Kwantung Army: Detail how the military acted independently of the civilian government, notably in the Manchurian Incident (1931), forcing the government to accept military expansionism as a fait accompli.

Ideological and Educational Factors:
- National Learning and Shintoism: Explain how the education system and state propaganda promoted the concept of Kokutai (national polity), emperor worship, and Japan's divine mission to lead Asia, which legitimized militaristic expansion.

International Factors:
- Western Exclusion and Imperialism: Discuss Japanese resentment of Western policies, such as the US Immigration Act of 1924, naval limitations imposed by the London and Washington Naval Conferences, and the League of Nations' condemnation of the Manchurian invasion, which convinced Japanese leaders that international cooperation was futile.

Conclusion:
- Synthesize the factors, arguing that the combination of severe economic hardship, weak civilian institutions, military-led domestic terror, and international isolation created a fertile environment for militarists to seize de facto control of Japan's domestic and foreign policy.

Marks are awarded using the standard 15-mark essay rubric for IB History:
- 13–15 marks: The response demonstrates a highly structured and analytical approach, covering economic, political, ideological, and international factors with precise detail (e.g., Kwantung Army, Showa Depression, specific military factions, key incidents). It offers a well-supported, balanced discussion of how these factors interacted to produce militarism.
- 10–12 marks: The essay discusses multiple factors clearly and contains good historical evidence. It may focus slightly more on military actions or economic problems at the expense of other factors, but the analysis remains sound.
- 7–9 marks: The response is primarily descriptive, telling the story of Japan’s path to war in the 1930s without sufficient focus on the structural 'factors' that contributed to the rise of militarism. It may contain generalized assertions.
- 4–6 marks: Displays limited knowledge of the period, perhaps focusing solely on the Manchurian Incident without addressing domestic, economic, or political context.
- 1–3 marks: Vague or inaccurate general assertions with little historical relevance.