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Thinka Nov 2024 HL IB Diploma Programme-Style Mock — Social and Cultural Anthropology

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An original Thinka practice paper modelled on the structure and difficulty of the Nov 2024 HL IB Diploma Programme Social and Cultural Anthropology paper. Not affiliated with or reproduced from IB.

Paper 1 Section A

Read the provided ethnographic passage. Answer questions 1 and 2 (compulsory), choose either question 3 or 4, and answer question 5 (compulsory).
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PastPaper.question 1 · Short Answer
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**Read the passage below and answer the question that follows.** **Passage:** In a small neighborhood in Lisbon, residents have established an informal network called 'Banco de Tempo' (Time Bank). Members exchange services without using money. For example, Maria spends two hours teaching Portuguese to Miguel, earning two 'hour credits.' She then uses these credits to have her leaky faucet fixed by Joao, who is a retired plumber. Joao, in turn, can use his earned hours to get fresh vegetables from a local urban garden tended by another member. Anthropologist Ana Silva notes that while these transactions appear economic, they are deeply embedded in social relations. Participants emphasize that the 'credits' are not currencies but symbols of trust and community solidarity. The value of the exchange is not measured by market rates, but by the time spent and the mutual recognition of each other's needs, creating a dense web of social obligations and social capital that differentiates it from market-based interactions. **Question:** Define the term *reciprocity* and describe how it is represented in the passage.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

To earn full marks (4 marks), the response must address both parts of the prompt: defining 'reciprocity' and applying it accurately to the provided passage. 1. **Definition of Reciprocity:** Reciprocity is a key anthropological concept referring to the non-market exchange of goods, services, or labor between individuals or groups. Unlike market transactions driven by price and monetary profit, reciprocity is deeply embedded in social relationships and involves expectations of future return (which may be generalized, balanced, or negative). 2. **Application to the Passage:** The passage demonstrates balanced reciprocity through the 'Banco de Tempo' (Time Bank) system, where: - Members exchange direct services of equal value measured in time ('hour credits') rather than monetary currency. - This transaction is not purely economic; instead, it is 'embedded in social relations,' creating trust, community solidarity, and a 'dense web of social obligations.' - Specific examples from the text, such as Maria's Portuguese lessons for Miguel, Joao's plumbing work, and the community garden vegetables, show how different forms of labor are made equivalent to foster mutual support rather than individual financial accumulation.

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Marks 1–2: The candidate provides a basic definition of reciprocity but struggles to apply it effectively to the passage, or describes the passage's exchanges without a clear, accurate definition of reciprocity. Marks 3–4: The candidate provides a clear, accurate anthropological definition of reciprocity (referencing non-market exchange embedded in social relations or expectations of return) and successfully describes its representation in the passage using specific evidence (e.g., the Time Bank's 'hour credits', social solidarity, or specific service exchanges like Maria's lessons or Joao's plumbing).
PastPaper.question 2 · Medium Analytical Response
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Read the following passage carefully and answer the question below:

In the high-altitude Andes, the community of San Juan gathers annually for the 'Faena', a collective labor event to clear the irrigation canals before the rainy season. Participation is mandatory for all household heads ('comuneros'). Those who work are provided with chicha (corn beer) and food cooked by the community's women, reinforcing reciprocity ('ayni'). Juan, a young man who recently returned from working in a coastal city, struggles to keep pace but expresses that participating in the 'Faena' is essential for him to re-establish his standing as a member of the community. He notes, 'If I do not sweat with them, I am no longer one of them.' Meanwhile, those who fail to show up or pay a fine are excluded from future water distribution and social gatherings, signaling a loss of community trust.

Analyze how the passage demonstrates that belonging is both constructed and maintained in the community of San Juan.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

The ethnographic passage demonstrates that belonging in San Juan is not a passive state, but an active, negotiated process constructed and maintained through collective labor, reciprocal exchange, and compliance with communal obligations.

1. Constructed through Collective Labor (Faena): Belonging is physically embodied and earned through participation in the Faena. For Juan, a returnee migrant, belonging is fragile and must be reconstructed. His statement, 'If I do not sweat with them, I am no longer one of them,' highlights that physical labor and shared effort are foundational to being recognized as a community member.

2. Maintained through Reciprocity (Ayni): Belonging is sustained through the practice of ayni (reciprocity), where labor is exchanged for food and chicha prepared by the women. This creates a network of mutual interdependence, reinforcing social cohesion.

3. Sanctions and Boundaries of Belonging: Belonging has clear boundaries maintained by the threat of exclusion. Those who do not participate or pay a fine face exclusion from water distribution and social events. This demonstrates that belonging is conditional upon fulfilling social obligations; failing to do so results in a loss of trust and marginalization.

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Markband Breakdown:

5–6 marks: The response shows a sophisticated understanding of the concept of belonging. It clearly analyzes how belonging is actively constructed (e.g., through bodily labor and the integration of return migrants) and maintained (e.g., through reciprocity and the enforcement of boundaries/exclusion). There is a consistent, detailed, and explicit link to the provided text, using key terms like Faena, ayni, and Juan's experience. Anthropological terminology is used accurately.

3–4 marks: The response understands the concept of belonging and attempts to apply it to the text. It may describe the Faena and Juan's quote but offers a more descriptive than analytical account of how belonging is constructed or maintained.

1–2 marks: The response is superficial, perhaps only summarizing the passage with little or no explicit connection to the concept of belonging.

Key points to look for:
- Active construction of belonging: Labor as a bodily performance of membership; Juan's need to re-establish identity after migration.
- Maintenance of belonging: Reciprocal relations (ayni) representing social integration.
- Exclusion as the boundary of belonging: Sanctions (withholding water, social exclusion) representing the loss of belonging.
PastPaper.question 3 · Comparative Essay
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Compare the ethnographic passage with one other ethnographic study you have studied. Refer to the concept of *belonging* in your answer.
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Introduction:

  • Define the key concept of belonging (the social, cultural, and emotional connection to a group, place, or identity, often constructed through shared practices, symbols, and exclusion/inclusion mechanisms).
  • Introduce the provided ethnographic passage and state the chosen external ethnographic study (e.g., Philippe Bourgois's In Search of Respect, Lila Abu-Lughod's Veiled Sentiments, or Victor Turner's work on ritual/communitas).
  • State the thesis: how both texts demonstrate that belonging is not natural but actively negotiated through specific cultural practices, though they may differ in the scale or mechanisms of this negotiation.

Body Paragraph 1: Key Similarity (Constructing Belonging through Shared Practices/Rituals):

  • Passage analysis: Discuss how belonging is fostered in the passage (e.g., through shared linguistic codes, spatial practices, labor, or ritual acts).
  • External ethnography analysis: Compare this to the external study (e.g., how gang members in Bourgois's ethnography build solidarity and belonging through shared street culture and participation in the underground economy, or how Awlad 'Ali Bedouins demonstrate belonging to the community through adherence to the code of honor and modest poetry).
  • Synthesis: Emphasize that in both cases, belonging requires active participation and performance.

Body Paragraph 2: Key Difference (The Impact of Power and Exclusion on Belonging):

  • Passage analysis: Examine how boundaries of belonging are enforced or contested in the passage (e.g., who is excluded, how marginalization shapes identity).
  • External ethnography analysis: Contrast this with the external study, showing a different dimension (e.g., how external systemic racism and class barriers reinforce internal belonging within a marginalized group, or how gender hierarchies restrict women's expressions of belonging in different ways).
  • Synthesis: Highlight that while belonging is comforting, it is deeply entangled with power dynamics, inclusion, and exclusion.

Conclusion:

  • Summarize the main comparative points, reiterating how both studies illuminate the dynamic and constructed nature of belonging in social life.

PastPaper.markingScheme

This comparative essay is marked out of 10 marks based on three assessment criteria:

Criterion A: Comparative Evaluation (4 marks)

  • 3–4 marks: The response shows an excellent comparative evaluation of the passage and the chosen ethnographic study. Similarities and differences are clearly identified, balanced, and insightful, demonstrating a nuanced understanding of how the concept of belonging operates in both contexts.
  • 1–2 marks: The comparison is superficial or unbalanced. The response may describe both texts separately without drawing meaningful connections or contrasts.
  • 0 marks: No comparative evaluation is attempted.

Criterion B: Use of Ethnographic Material (4 marks)

  • 3–4 marks: Grounded and detailed ethnographic material is used from both the passage and the chosen study. Ethnographic details are highly relevant and support the comparative arguments effectively.
  • 1–2 marks: Ethnographic material is limited, purely descriptive, or poorly integrated. The chosen study may be described inaccurately or in generic terms.
  • 0 marks: No ethnographic material is used.

Criterion C: Conceptual Understanding (2 marks)

  • 2 marks: The response demonstrates a clear and sophisticated understanding of the concept of belonging, applying it consistently to analyze both ethnographic contexts.
  • 1 mark: The concept of belonging is used, but its application is superficial or limited to everyday definitions without anthropological depth.
  • 0 marks: No conceptual understanding is demonstrated.
PastPaper.question 4 · Big Question Extended Essay
10 PastPaper.marks
Based on an ethnographic passage describing how climate change affects the seasonal migration patterns, hunting practices, and traditional ecological knowledge of the Inuit in Nunavut: With reference to either change or identity, discuss how the relationship between human groups and their environment is represented in the passage and in one other ethnography you have studied.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

Option Selected: Change. Comparative Ethnography: 'Conservation is Our Government Now' by Paige West (Gimi people of Papua New Guinea). 1. Introduction: Define change in anthropology as the alteration of cultural and social elements over time, often driven by external forces like globalization or environmental shifts. Thesis: Both the ethnographic passage on the Inuit of Nunavut and Paige West's study of the Gimi demonstrate that environmental change—whether driven by global climate dynamics or external conservation agendas—fundamentally restructures traditional ecological knowledge, economic subsistence, and local socio-cultural fabrics. 2. Analysis of the Passage: The passage highlights how rising temperatures disrupt seasonal migrations and hunting. Consequently, Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) becomes less reliable, forcing a shift from historical reliance on memory to real-time risk assessment. The disruption of hunting also alters food-sharing networks, crucial for maintaining social cohesion. 3. Analysis of the Comparative Ethnography: West documents how international NGOs introduced conservation programs, imposing a Western, commodified view of nature on the Gimi. Historically, the Gimi viewed themselves as connected to their forest environment through spiritual reciprocity. The conservation projects forced them to view the forest as 'biodiversity' to be preserved, transforming their relationship with ancestral lands. Just like the Inuit, the Gimi face inequalities arising from these changes, destabilizing traditional social structures. 4. Critical Comparison and Synthesis: In both cases, human-environment relations are dynamic and highly susceptible to external pressures. Both groups navigate the devaluation or transformation of local epistemologies. However, the change experienced by the Inuit is an ecological crisis requiring physical adaptation, whereas the Gimi experience structural changes driven by global environmentalist discourses. 5. Conclusion: Conclude that environmental relationships are never purely ecological but are always deeply political, economic, and cultural.

PastPaper.markingScheme

9-10 marks: The essay shows a sophisticated understanding of the chosen key concept, defining and applying it accurately. The ethnographic passage is analyzed deeply. The comparative ethnography is highly relevant and integrated. The comparison is analytical rather than purely descriptive. The argument is well-structured and uses precise anthropological terminology. 7-8 marks: The essay clearly defines and applies the chosen concept. Both the passage and comparative ethnography are discussed in detail and are relevant. There is a clear comparative element, though it may be slightly unbalanced. 5-6 marks: The essay addresses the key concept, but application may be superficial. Both studies are described, but the essay relies more on summary than analysis. Comparative links are present but weak. 3-4 marks: Limited reference to key concepts or incorrect application. Very limited description of the cases with little to no comparative structure. 1-2 marks: Fragmented, descriptive, or irrelevant response. Fails to engage with the key concepts or the ethnographic materials in a meaningful way.
PastPaper.question 5 · Big Question Extended Essay
10 PastPaper.marks
Based on an ethnographic passage describing how climate change affects the seasonal migration patterns, hunting practices, and traditional ecological knowledge of the Inuit in Nunavut: With reference to either change or identity, discuss how the relationship between human groups and their environment is represented in the passage and in one other ethnography you have studied.
PastPaper.showAnswers

PastPaper.workedSolution

Option Selected: Change. Comparative Ethnography: 'Conservation is Our Government Now' by Paige West (Gimi people of Papua New Guinea). 1. Introduction: Define change in anthropology as the alteration of cultural and social elements over time, often driven by external forces like globalization or environmental shifts. Thesis: Both the ethnographic passage on the Inuit of Nunavut and Paige West's study of the Gimi demonstrate that environmental change—whether driven by global climate dynamics or external conservation agendas—fundamentally restructures traditional ecological knowledge, economic subsistence, and local socio-cultural fabrics. 2. Analysis of the Passage: The passage highlights how rising temperatures disrupt seasonal migrations and hunting. Consequently, Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) becomes less reliable, forcing a shift from historical reliance on memory to real-time risk assessment. The disruption of hunting also alters food-sharing networks, crucial for maintaining social cohesion. 3. Analysis of the Comparative Ethnography: West documents how international NGOs introduced conservation programs, imposing a Western, commodified view of nature on the Gimi. Historically, the Gimi viewed themselves as connected to their forest environment through spiritual reciprocity. The conservation projects forced them to view the forest as 'biodiversity' to be preserved, transforming their relationship with ancestral lands. Just like the Inuit, the Gimi face inequalities arising from these changes, destabilizing traditional social structures. 4. Critical Comparison and Synthesis: In both cases, human-environment relations are dynamic and highly susceptible to external pressures. Both groups navigate the devaluation or transformation of local epistemologies. However, the change experienced by the Inuit is an ecological crisis requiring physical adaptation, whereas the Gimi experience structural changes driven by global environmentalist discourses. 5. Conclusion: Conclude that environmental relationships are never purely ecological but are always deeply political, economic, and cultural.

PastPaper.markingScheme

9-10 marks: The essay shows a sophisticated understanding of the chosen key concept, defining and applying it accurately. The ethnographic passage is analyzed deeply. The comparative ethnography is highly relevant and integrated. The comparison is analytical rather than purely descriptive. The argument is well-structured and uses precise anthropological terminology. 7-8 marks: The essay clearly defines and applies the chosen concept. Both the passage and comparative ethnography are discussed in detail and are relevant. There is a clear comparative element, though it may be slightly unbalanced. 5-6 marks: The essay addresses the key concept, but application may be superficial. Both studies are described, but the essay relies more on summary than analysis. Comparative links are present but weak. 3-4 marks: Limited reference to key concepts or incorrect application. Very limited description of the cases with little to no comparative structure. 1-2 marks: Fragmented, descriptive, or irrelevant response. Fails to engage with the key concepts or the ethnographic materials in a meaningful way.

Paper 1 Section B

With reference to either stimulus A or stimulus B and your own knowledge, discuss the defining features of anthropological ethics.
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PastPaper.question 1 · essay
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With reference to either stimulus A or stimulus B and your own knowledge, discuss the defining features of anthropological ethics.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

An excellent response should be structured as a balanced essay. Introduction: Define anthropological ethics as distinct from rigid bureaucratic ethics (like medical IRBs), emphasizing that they are relational, situational, and ongoing. State a clear thesis regarding how anthropologists prioritize the well-being of their interlocutors. Body Paragraph 1: Analyze the principle of 'Do No Harm' and the protection of vulnerable collaborators. Connect this to the chosen stimulus (for example, analyzing how the researcher in the stimulus managed sensitive personal histories, spatial privacy, or political vulnerability) and supplement with own knowledge of how fieldwork can inadvertently expose marginalized groups to state surveillance or social stigma. Body Paragraph 2: Discuss 'Informed Consent' as a dynamic, continuous dialogue rather than a one-time signed document. Explain how the fluid nature of participant observation requires researchers to constantly renegotiate consent as relationships deepen and contexts shift. Body Paragraph 3: Address power dynamics, positionality, and the ethics of representation. Anthropologists must reflect on their own privilege and avoid extractive research practices. Discuss collaborative ethnography, shared authorship, or advocacy as methods to mitigate unequal power. Conclusion: Reiterate that anthropological ethics are defined by a deep relational commitment to the host community, placing their dignity, safety, and agency above academic or career pursuits.

PastPaper.markingScheme

Marks are awarded according to the following assessment criteria (Max 10 marks): [9-10 Marks]: The response demonstrates an excellent, nuanced understanding of anthropological ethics. The discussion is highly conceptual, focusing on deep ethical issues like power asymmetry, reflexivity, and the limits of representation. The student seamlessly integrates both the selected stimulus and their own anthropological knowledge (concepts, codes of conduct, or comparative ethnographies) to construct a sophisticated, well-structured argument. [7-8 Marks]: The response offers a clear and balanced discussion of the defining features of anthropological ethics. Both the stimulus and own knowledge are effectively utilized. Key ethical dimensions (such as informed consent, anonymity, or 'do no harm') are well-defined and applied analytically. [5-6 Marks]: The response shows a sound understanding of ethical issues. The discussion is mostly descriptive but makes a consistent effort to connect to either the stimulus or own knowledge, though one may be more developed than the other. [3-4 Marks]: The response shows a basic or partial understanding of anthropological ethics. Connections to the stimulus or own knowledge are weak, superficial, or tangential. [1-2 Marks]: The response is highly generalized, limited, or contains significant misconceptions about anthropological practice and ethics. [0 Marks]: No rewardable content.

Paper 2 Section A

With reference to ethnographic material from one area of inquiry you have studied, discuss how either society or identity or change helps you understand one real-world issue (globalization, inequality, poverty, sustainability, violence).
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PastPaper.question 1 · essay
15 PastPaper.marks
With reference to ethnographic material from one area of inquiry you have studied, discuss how either society, identity or change helps you understand one real-world issue (globalization, inequality, poverty, sustainability, violence).
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PastPaper.workedSolution

To achieve the highest mark band (13–15 marks), the essay must demonstrate a sophisticated anthropological analysis. Here is an example of how a student can structure their response using the concept of 'change' to understand the real-world issue of 'globalization' within the area of inquiry of 'Movement, time and space':

1. **Introduction**: Explicitly state the chosen area of inquiry (Movement, time and space), key concept (change), and real-world issue (globalization). Provide working anthropological definitions of 'change' and 'globalization'. Introduce the primary ethnographic study, such as James Ferguson's *Expectations of Modernity* (examining the Zambian Copperbelt).

2. **Body Paragraph 1 (Ethnographic Context)**: Detail the ethnographic case study. Describe how local expectations of urban, cosmopolitan progress (modernity) were disrupted by the collapse of the copper industry. Analyze how this shift is an example of 'change' brought on by global economic processes.

3. **Body Paragraph 2 (Analytical Application of the Concept)**: Explain how focusing on 'change' provides deep insights into globalization. Instead of viewing globalization as a uniform, homogenizing force, the concept of change highlights the local 'frictions' and diverse ways individuals negotiate decline. Ferguson shows how miners had to reverse-migrate to rural areas, reframing their cultural identities in the process.

4. **Body Paragraph 3 (Critical Discussion)**: Critique macro-economic models of globalization using localized ethnographic evidence. Argue that quantitative measures of global connection fail to capture the lived reality of disconnection and localized adaptation, which the anthropological focus on cultural and social change reveals.

5. **Conclusion**: Synthesize the main points. Reiterate how the concept of 'change' bridges the gap between macro-level globalizing structures and micro-level human experiences, proving to be an indispensable tool in anthropological inquiry.

PastPaper.markingScheme

The essay is marked out of 15 using the official IB Diploma Programme Social and Cultural Anthropology Paper 2 Section A rubric:

- **13–15 Marks**: The response demonstrates excellent knowledge and understanding of the chosen area of inquiry, key concept, and real-world issue. Ethnographic material is highly relevant, rich, and seamlessly integrated into a sophisticated, analytical, and well-structured argument. Critical anthropological reflexivity or awareness of debates is clearly evident.
- **10–12 Marks**: The response shows good knowledge and understanding of the area of inquiry, concept, and real-world issue. Relevant ethnographic material is used to support a clear and well-structured argument, though it may lack the exceptional critical depth of the highest band.
- **7–9 Marks**: The response demonstrates a basic understanding of the area of inquiry, concept, and real-world issue. Ethnographic material is present but may be described rather than fully integrated into the conceptual framework. The argument is straightforward but lacks nuanced analysis.
- **4–6 Marks**: The response has a limited or superficial focus on the area of inquiry, concept, or real-world issue. Ethnographic material is sparse, tangential, or largely descriptive with minimal connection to the prompt.
- **1–3 Marks**: The response is highly descriptive, containing significant inaccuracies, or lacks relevant ethnographic material and conceptual focus entirely.

Paper 2 Section B

Answer two questions from the three remaining areas of inquiry studied. Each question must be from a different area of inquiry.
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PastPaper.question 1 · Area of Inquiry Essay
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With reference to ethnographic material from one or more societies you have studied, discuss the extent to which systems of classification are used to construct and maintain social inequality.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

Excellent essays will address the prompt by: 1. Introducing classification systems as cultural and cognitive schemas that organize social reality, establishing that these systems are never neutral but are deeply entangled with power. 2. Utilizing robust ethnographic evidence. For example, students may explore Mary Douglas's analysis of purity and pollution to explain how ideas of 'dirt' or 'contamination' maintain caste boundaries in South Asia (referencing Louis Dumont) or regulate gender roles globally. Alternatively, students could discuss how scientific and state taxonomies of race (such as under Apartheid or in colonial systems) institutionalized structural inequality, or analyze binary gender classifications (such as Sherry Ortner's nature-culture binary) that subordinate women. 3. Discussing the 'extent' by presenting counter-narratives of agency, resistance, and the fluidity of categories. This could include how marginalized groups contest, subvert, or redefine these classifications (e.g., the reclaiming of queer identities, or Dalit movements challenging traditional purity dynamics). 4. Concluding with a synthesis showing that while classification is a primary tool for naturalizing hierarchy, it remains an ongoing site of political struggle.

PastPaper.markingScheme

Marks are awarded using the IB Diploma Programme Social and Cultural Anthropology Paper 2 markbands for 15-mark essays. [13 to 15 marks]: Demonstrates excellent knowledge and conceptual understanding of classification and inequality. Deploys highly relevant and detailed ethnographic material. Provides a well-structured, critical, and nuanced argument evaluating the extent of classification's role in hierarchy. [10 to 12 marks]: Good knowledge and understanding. Relevant ethnography is used clearly to support points. The argument is logical and analytical, though it may lack the depth of evaluation found in higher bands. [7 to 9 marks]: Mostly descriptive rather than analytical. Ethnographic examples are present but general, and the connection to classification or inequality is partially developed. [4 to 6 marks]: Superficially addresses the prompt. Limited or weak ethnographic evidence. [1 to 3 marks]: Minimal understanding, missing appropriate anthropological concepts and ethnographic support.
PastPaper.question 2 · Area of Inquiry Essay
15 PastPaper.marks
With reference to ethnographic material from one or more societies you have studied, evaluate the role of ritual, symbolic action, or institutional mechanisms in preventing, resolving, or transforming conflict.
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PastPaper.workedSolution

Excellent essays will address the prompt by: 1. Defining conflict as an ongoing social process and introducing the specific mechanisms (ritual, symbolic, or institutional) being evaluated. 2. Engaging deeply with relevant anthropological theory and ethnography. Examples include: Victor Turner's model of 'social drama' and the role of ritual in restoring social equilibrium (such as the Ndembu rituals); Max Gluckman's structural-functionalist concept of 'rituals of rebellion' which express conflict in order to ultimately preserve the social order; E.E. Evans-Pritchard's study of Zande witchcraft as a symbolic framework that regulates and diffuses interpersonal tensions; or contemporary studies of institutional peace-making, restorative justice, and truth commissions (such as in post-conflict Rwanda or South Africa). 3. Evaluating these mechanisms critically: students must discuss whether these actions truly resolve the structural roots of conflict or if they merely manage symptoms, maintain the status quo, or temporarily mask inequalities. 4. Concluding with a clear synthesis of how conflict management is a culturally constructed process that varies significantly across societies.

PastPaper.markingScheme

Marks are awarded using the IB Diploma Programme Social and Cultural Anthropology Paper 2 markbands for 15-mark essays. [13 to 15 marks]: Outstanding knowledge and conceptual understanding of conflict and its transformation. Integrates detailed, rich ethnographic material. Offers a sophisticated, critical evaluation of the social function and limitations of ritual/institutional mediation. [10 to 12 marks]: Good knowledge and understanding of conflict mechanisms. Clear use of relevant ethnographic material. Analytical structure is maintained throughout, though evaluation could be further developed. [7 to 9 marks]: Mostly descriptive, showing a basic understanding of how conflict is addressed. Ethnographic material is present but lacks analytical depth. [4 to 6 marks]: Superficial discussion of conflict. Weak or absent ethnographic support. [1 to 3 marks]: Little to no understanding of the question, lacking relevant ethnographic or theoretical framework.

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