題目 1 · source-based
15 分Read the sources below and answer the question that follows.
**Source A**
From an editorial in a British conservative newspaper, November 1935.
"The League of Nations must act with extreme prudence in the matter of sanctions against Italy. While the invasion of Abyssinia is deeply regrettable, we must not let our moral outrage blind us to the vital necessity of maintaining European stability. Imposing a complete embargo on oil or closing the Suez Canal would undoubtedly provoke Signor Mussolini into declaring war, dragging the Great Powers into a catastrophic European conflict. The cautious, limited economic measures currently adopted by the League are a triumph of diplomatic maturity. They signal disapproval without endangering the Stresa Front, which remains our primary shield against a revisionist Germany."
**Source B**
From a speech by the Ethiopian representative to the League of Nations Assembly, December 1935.
"We are told that the League is acting with 'prudence,' but to the victims of aggression, this prudence is nothing less than cowardice and betrayal. The half-hearted economic restrictions imposed so far have done nothing to halt the advance of Italian tanks and poison gas. By refusing to ban oil or close the Suez Canal, the great powers of the League are effectively subsidizing Italy’s conquest of our ancient empire. If the Covenant is to be sacrificed to appease a European dictator, then the League is dead. Collective security is either absolute for all nations, large and small, or it is a dangerous illusion that offers no security at all."
**Question**
Compare and contrast the views expressed in Source A and Source B regarding the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy during the Abyssinian Crisis.
**Source A**
From an editorial in a British conservative newspaper, November 1935.
"The League of Nations must act with extreme prudence in the matter of sanctions against Italy. While the invasion of Abyssinia is deeply regrettable, we must not let our moral outrage blind us to the vital necessity of maintaining European stability. Imposing a complete embargo on oil or closing the Suez Canal would undoubtedly provoke Signor Mussolini into declaring war, dragging the Great Powers into a catastrophic European conflict. The cautious, limited economic measures currently adopted by the League are a triumph of diplomatic maturity. They signal disapproval without endangering the Stresa Front, which remains our primary shield against a revisionist Germany."
**Source B**
From a speech by the Ethiopian representative to the League of Nations Assembly, December 1935.
"We are told that the League is acting with 'prudence,' but to the victims of aggression, this prudence is nothing less than cowardice and betrayal. The half-hearted economic restrictions imposed so far have done nothing to halt the advance of Italian tanks and poison gas. By refusing to ban oil or close the Suez Canal, the great powers of the League are effectively subsidizing Italy’s conquest of our ancient empire. If the Covenant is to be sacrificed to appease a European dictator, then the League is dead. Collective security is either absolute for all nations, large and small, or it is a dangerous illusion that offers no security at all."
**Question**
Compare and contrast the views expressed in Source A and Source B regarding the League of Nations' sanctions against Italy during the Abyssinian Crisis.
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解題
### **Analysis of Similarities**
* **Agreement on the Nature of the Sanctions:** Both sources agree that the sanctions imposed on Italy are limited and exclude critical measures. Both explicitly identify the exclusion of an oil embargo and the decision to keep the Suez Canal open as the key limitations of the current League response.
* **Recognition of the Potential Impact of Stronger Measures:** Both sources recognize that stronger actions (like banning oil or closing the Suez Canal) would have a massive impact. Source A notes they would provoke Mussolini into war, while Source B notes that omitting them effectively allows the conquest of Ethiopia to continue.
### **Analysis of Differences**
* **Evaluation of the 'Prudent' Policy:** Source A views the cautious approach as a "triumph of diplomatic maturity" that successfully balances moral disapproval with vital European security. Source B strongly rejects this characterization, labeling this same "prudence" as "cowardice and betrayal."
* **The Ultimate Goal / Priority:** For Source A, the absolute priority is preventing a wider European war and preserving the Stresa Front against Germany. For Source B, the absolute priority is upholding the principle of collective security and protecting a sovereign member state (Ethiopia) from unprovoked aggression.
* **The Future of the League:** Source A implies that the League's survival depends on its flexibility and realism in avoiding conflicts it cannot handle. Source B argues that by failing to act decisively, "the League is dead" and its core concept of collective security is exposed as an illusion.
### **Evaluation of Provenance and Context**
* **Source A** reflects the prevailing British foreign policy stance of late 1935 (appeasement and realpolitik). Britain was highly concerned about German rearmament and wished to keep Italy as an ally (the Stresa Front). This makes the source highly representative of British official and conservative public opinion, which prioritized domestic and European stability over international law.
* **Source B** represents the perspective of the victim of aggression. As a vulnerable, less-developed state under active military attack, Ethiopia had no choice but to rely entirely on the collective security promises of the League Covenant. The representative's emotional and accusatory tone is entirely natural given that Italian forces were actively using poison gas and advanced weaponry against them, making the source highly reliable as an expression of the frustration felt by smaller nations towards the Great Powers' self-interest.
* **Agreement on the Nature of the Sanctions:** Both sources agree that the sanctions imposed on Italy are limited and exclude critical measures. Both explicitly identify the exclusion of an oil embargo and the decision to keep the Suez Canal open as the key limitations of the current League response.
* **Recognition of the Potential Impact of Stronger Measures:** Both sources recognize that stronger actions (like banning oil or closing the Suez Canal) would have a massive impact. Source A notes they would provoke Mussolini into war, while Source B notes that omitting them effectively allows the conquest of Ethiopia to continue.
### **Analysis of Differences**
* **Evaluation of the 'Prudent' Policy:** Source A views the cautious approach as a "triumph of diplomatic maturity" that successfully balances moral disapproval with vital European security. Source B strongly rejects this characterization, labeling this same "prudence" as "cowardice and betrayal."
* **The Ultimate Goal / Priority:** For Source A, the absolute priority is preventing a wider European war and preserving the Stresa Front against Germany. For Source B, the absolute priority is upholding the principle of collective security and protecting a sovereign member state (Ethiopia) from unprovoked aggression.
* **The Future of the League:** Source A implies that the League's survival depends on its flexibility and realism in avoiding conflicts it cannot handle. Source B argues that by failing to act decisively, "the League is dead" and its core concept of collective security is exposed as an illusion.
### **Evaluation of Provenance and Context**
* **Source A** reflects the prevailing British foreign policy stance of late 1935 (appeasement and realpolitik). Britain was highly concerned about German rearmament and wished to keep Italy as an ally (the Stresa Front). This makes the source highly representative of British official and conservative public opinion, which prioritized domestic and European stability over international law.
* **Source B** represents the perspective of the victim of aggression. As a vulnerable, less-developed state under active military attack, Ethiopia had no choice but to rely entirely on the collective security promises of the League Covenant. The representative's emotional and accusatory tone is entirely natural given that Italian forces were actively using poison gas and advanced weaponry against them, making the source highly reliable as an expression of the frustration felt by smaller nations towards the Great Powers' self-interest.
評分準則
**Level 4 (12–15 marks):** Identifies both similarities and differences, and evaluates the sources using historical context and/or provenance to explain these agreements and disagreements.
* Candidates should explain how Source A's British origin and focus on the German threat (Stresa Front) explains its support for cautious sanctions, whereas Source B's position as the victim of aggression explains its denunciation of these same limits.
**Level 3 (8–11 marks):** Identifies both similarities and differences through direct cross-referencing of the texts, but lacks effective or sustained evaluation of the sources.
**Level 2 (4–7 marks):** Identifies only similarities OR only differences between the two sources.
**Level 1 (1–3 marks):** Summarizes or paraphrases the sources without making valid, direct comparisons on the specific topic of the prompt.
* Candidates should explain how Source A's British origin and focus on the German threat (Stresa Front) explains its support for cautious sanctions, whereas Source B's position as the victim of aggression explains its denunciation of these same limits.
**Level 3 (8–11 marks):** Identifies both similarities and differences through direct cross-referencing of the texts, but lacks effective or sustained evaluation of the sources.
**Level 2 (4–7 marks):** Identifies only similarities OR only differences between the two sources.
**Level 1 (1–3 marks):** Summarizes or paraphrases the sources without making valid, direct comparisons on the specific topic of the prompt.